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2007年04月12日

博士生偷拍裙底建網站悔過

分類: 事件

Oriental Daily News 2007-04-11

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博士生偷拍裙底建網站悔過
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以一級榮譽極佳成績畢業於香港大學計算機科學系的電腦奇才,去年底在港大攻讀博士學位期間,因在校園咖啡店內用隱藏文件袋內的手提數碼攝錄機,偷拍同一名女生裙底遭警方拘捕,他昨日在東區法院承認一項作出有違公德行為罪名,令原本一片光明的前途蒙上陰影。

無案底的二十八歲被告榮偉光,被大學教授形容為二十年教學生涯中遇到的最出色學生之一。他承認於去年十二月十五日,在港大圖書館大樓對開的星巴克咖啡店內,偷拍一名二十八歲港大女生裙底。

裁判官游德康昨指被告是一個「非常難得的好人」,其科研工作會對社會甚至人類帶來貢獻,相信他只是在精神狀況影響及一時愚蠢下犯案,會盡量給機會如此有才能的人彌補過失,故先替被告索閱相關報告,若條件合適「絕對有機會判社會服務令」。現押後下月十一日判刑,被告期間准繼續保釋。

中學女教師讚「品格高尚」

案情指,事發當日近下午五時,被告與事主面對面同坐一桌,期間被告將一個內藏攝錄機的黑色文件夾放在膝上,在桌下偷拍事主裙底,惟被鄰桌一名女生目睹過程並通知正在專注使用手提電腦的事主,二人合力阻止被告逃走及報警,被告更一度向事主求饒,警方到場後發現涉案裙底錄影片段,遂拘捕被告,他在警誡下保持緘默。

辯方大律師昨呈上十多封由被告自己、父母、妻子、女同學、系內教授、同僚及教會等撰寫的求情信,力陳生於基層家庭的被告勤力及為人盡責,其中負責在大學監督被告科研工作的劉志滿教授更指被告為他近廿年教學生涯中,遇過的最出色學生之一;而被告就讀的伊利沙伯中學一名女教師亦評他「品格高尚」,與被告認識逾十年的中學女同學則自稱「電腦白癡」,被告亦不厭其煩替她解決電腦疑難。

另外,被告為表悔意,事後創立了一個教育公眾不要偷拍裙底的網站,列明有關行為的嚴重性及法律責任,而被告亦有往見心理專家及接受輔導,經檢討後亦明白自己的行為侵害了事主的私隱及尊嚴。而屬家中獨子的被告,過去一直與屬退休文員及醫院清潔工的父母居於房協的公屋,近年婚後始搬出,惟每月仍給予父母逾萬元家用。教會負責人則指被告定期返教會聚會,曾淚流滿面認錯,故相信他真心悔改以尋求「靈魂上的新生」。

港大研訊 嚴重可踢出校

據了解,港大計算機科學系研究生的內聯網,仍有該名博士研究生的名字,但其所屬的研究生房號及聯絡電話均已被刪除。

香港大學發言人表示,港大條例中附設紀律委員會,若學生在任何法院已被裁定觸犯罪行,校方會即時啟動紀律委員會,研究對涉案學生施以適當處分,輕則譴責,重則會被「踢出校」。校方現已就事件啟動紀律委員會,但暫不會評論個別事件。

案件編號:ESCC 5538/2006



2006年12月28日

馬桶臆想

分類: 事件

支持本土製作果然是好的。網絡大癱瘓,當友人的xange等等都上不到時,我的mocasting 依然運作如常,雖然也是如常的慢慢的,但都叫做上到嘛!

今朝上網,一直都去唔到gmail ,都在懷疑是不是server 放在台灣,震壞了。誰知,震壞的竟然是電纜。可怕呢!當全世界都在依賴這個互聯網時,我們竟然發現區區一個地震就可以搞到你”黎”手唔成世。日日要查的yahoo字典死下死下,電郵check 唔到。好la,就算我過一點時間check 得返,我都唔知道好唔好繼續e-mail 我的求職信出去,我發得出人地都未必check 得到嘛。結果,行之有效的網絡沒有了,我們變得不知所措。

剛剛在看一本書,書裡有一節寫道:

「現代抽水馬桶的問題,是過於匆忙地把生活的遺留清除一空。抽水馬桶以宗教和法律無法達成的方式把我們”文明化”了,這是以往任何單獨一項發明都難以望其項背的。早晨起來,再也沒有夜壼,再也沒有聲色氣味都令人想起腐肉的戶外茅廁。自從有了克萊帕的神奇貢獻,我們只需伸手到背後一撳,一切都被一沖而盡。這一動力學的創造,正是社會學家菲利普.斯雷特20世紀70年代在其著作《追求孤獨》中所述的”馬桶臆想”。他的話沒錯:不需要經常對付煩惱之事以後,一旦問題重現,我們已喪失了應對的能力。而且我們還喪失了蘊藏在這類麻煩事中的群體性。一句話,如廁之時,我們感到孤獨。」

 林奇:《殯葬人手記》,頁34


上網之時,我們感到孤獨嗎?當ICQ(現在已經變成M$ 主導的MSN)的花朵在閃爍時,我們或以為在網上我們比昔日更緊密的靠在一起。多少個無眠的晚上,我看著contact list 出現的名字,我覺得還有好些人是與我同在,即使,他們可能已經睡著,剩下打開的電腦獨守空閨。

遠了還是近了?對著三米之外的同事,我們會以MSN互相聯絡;隔著一間房的同事,我與她通電郵近一個月,還在走廊間碰面竟互不認識。這些例子不是用在證明是遠或近,這不過是一種對新模式未能習慣的一種反芻而已。

剛在電台聽陶傑,才子以世界末日大崩潰般的口吻,把情況放大得令人恐慌。這一兩天,也可以想像到媒體將會將這事炒作得鬧哄哄的,一時三刻,甚麼科技發展危機等等驚世預言推測,必然與新年期間的蘇民峰李丞貴麥玲玲般成巷成市。不過,即使如03年sars的考訓賠上299條人命,我們很清楚這個世界還是會如以往一般走下去,今天的互聯網危機、明日的空氣污染、後日的溫室效應,我們還會如從前一般,過著現代化的美好一天。

2006年08月11日

令人痛心

分類: 大學, 事件

可悲

(閱讀全文)

2006年03月23日

殺警案

分類: 事件

前些日子看到一篇講偏見的文章,忘了出處。剛看到曾嶸寫徐步高的事件,又令我想這那篇文章。

偏見是讓思想放假的好藉口。一個人太正經八百,每件事情都要想得仔細,平衡各方的觀點,以絕對理性的的角度評論,一個字:累!

徐步高的案件,尷尬的說,我也有留意。一個充滿戲劇性的真實故事,三警駁火,二死一傷,傷者未清醒可以錄口供,正義警察恒仔中槍後竟然能還火甚至將槍放回槍袋中,魔鬼警察步步高最終目標竟是刺殺董建華。(如果他殺了董建華,大家會說他是魔鬼還是天使?)劇情峰迴路轉,金庸也寫不出。唯一可以比較的,就是上星期的辰熹迫宮大鬥法!

對徐步高家人不公?死者未審已判不合乎公義?算了吧!在新聞娛樂化的今天我們有選擇嗎?何況,當報紙故事比無線亞視的劇集更吸引,又怪得公眾如此選擇嗎?曲高和寡的新聞操守在利潤為先的傳媒下又值幾文?

面對這些情況又可如何?是傳媒操守的問題還是公民質素偏低?報章色情資訊、雜誌性感封面…這些問題說了豈止三五七年,但在可見的將來,這將會是一件不可能改變的現實。即使看到問題的,還是樂意讓偏見繼續,當放放假嘛。認真?遲點才說吧,如果你相信有天國。

2006年03月19日

大財團名單

分類: 事件

其實一路都想整個香港大財團名冊…你知道百佳是誰的嗎?惠康又係邊個的?原來國泰又係太古有份?仲有好多好多…好想睇下,其實我地的生活有多少是掌握係大財團的手中…有沒有人有興趣諗下點做呢?留個言ar….. :)

2006年01月27日

垃圾房的洞口──比較港台的垃圾處理方式

分類: 事件, 轉載, 台灣

垃圾房的洞口──比較港台的垃圾處理方式
–勁翔

玩一個遊戲。找十個朋友,問他她們知否「cyu1 jyu4(音躇如)」是什麼?

 

焚化爐禍害

近日,青洲英泥焚化爐開始試驗使用,官方說法是很安全,無(額外)污染。綠色和平多年痛陣焚化爐的禍害,還是戳不破官員的厚臉皮──環保署署長郭家強謂:「焚化設施有好有壞,香港日後若設焚化爐,亦會確保技術可靠及安全,市民毋須過分擔心。。」廖秀冬對記者說,「歐洲、日本這些地少人多的國家一般會以焚化處理固體廢物,這個趨勢是很清晰的。」我吐得一地是血。俗民智慧:「呢個世界無話無左邊個唔得。」香港政府就是典範,董建華經已下台,荒謬劇繼續上演。

 

毋須過分擔心?「所謂先進的焚化爐,在日本發生過大爆炸,和超標排放十倍二噁英的嚴重事件……環保署署長郭家強去年到日本所參觀的Ebara 公司,數年前被揭發其位於東京以南的神奈川焚化爐,自一九九二年落成後,連續八年排放二噁英及有毒重金屬,超標逾千倍。」(《東方日報》,4月23日)。有關焚火爐的害處,即使再懶惰,在搜尋器輸入「焚火爐,二噁英」就會出現一大堆嚇死人的資料:戴奧辛、劇毒、致癌劇毒之首、污染地下水、嬰兒死亡率特高……

 

有關廖秀冬的「趨勢」一說,資料顯示自1985年起,美國己取消了超過137座焚化爐興建計劃。日本早年大量興建焚化爐,近年看見引致的污染太嚴重,紛紛關閉,亦不再興建。德國、荷蘭、比利時等國家亦相繼頒布「焚化爐禁建令」……

 

什麼,香港要做國際城市?笑死人無命賠。

 

給愛麗斯

在台北,貝多芬的「給愛麗斯」有特別的意思。一個滂沱大雨的晚上,我躲在一旁避雨。奇怪,怎麼有許多人把一包二包,一桶二桶的東西搬到街上?地震走難嗎?幾分鐘後,「給愛麗斯」樂聲從遠走近,一前一後有兩輛大車,哦,原來是垃圾車。

 

一桶二桶的倒這裡,膠樽瓶罐丟那裡,淺藍色透明膠袋包著的直接丟到車上。車上掛著牌子,逢二四六回收這些,逢一五回收那些。我看得一頭霧水。

 

簡單來說,垃圾分為兩類,「可回收的」跟「不可回收的」。「不可回收的」垃圾不可隨便丟,要購買環保局的專用垃圾袋來丟。這提供經濟誘引,想省錢的話,就儘量作好分類。「可回收的」分成平面和立體兩類,共十多二十細項。食物分開熟的和生的,熟的供餵飼豬隻用,生的作堆肥。台北市不可回收的垃圾量近年大幅減少,大大減輕堆填區的負擔。我看見人家倒垃圾的情景,想起香港,慚愧得差點自動跳進「不可回收」類別內。

 

垃圾記憶

為什麼香港不能?有點難回答。我嘗試回憶從小開始,「倒垃圾」是什麼的一回事。由我有記憶的八0年代開始。

 

八0年代我住在公共屋村,家裡一個紅A牌兩三呎高的有蓋垃圾埇,每晚收垃圾的木頭車一隆隆作響,就趕緊把垃圾袋紮好,放在門外等清潔工人來收。有時晚了燒菜,會押後丟垃圾,待食物殘渣都丟進垃圾袋後,才把垃圾放到垃圾房門外。背後的想法是,儘量不讓垃圾在家裡過夜。

 

有一個情景很深刻。有次晚了丟垃圾,我拿著垃圾袋追到走廊盡頭的垃圾房,看見清潔工人正把一袋一袋的垃圾,丟到一個洞口裡。記憶中,洞口比一部三十三吋電視大不了多少。我就是呆呆的看著那個深不莫測的黑洞,想:「垃圾就是這樣消失了?」當晚發惡夢,夢見失足跌進洞口,一直墜落……

 

過了千禧年,住在私人屋苑。那時候,已開始循環再用膠袋。每月初,看更伯伯都會遞上當月份的垃圾袋。我跟伯伯說,不用了,我用舊超市膠袋裝垃圾,不用浪費。伯伯說,你付了管理費啊,這是你應得的。住了一年,我都把垃圾袋給看更伯伯,他說多謝我;我說,應該是我多謝他。

 

之後在索罟灣居住,因為水流的關係,久不久就會有垃圾漂浮到屋外的河流上,塑膠瓶和膠袋一大堆,退潮後都留在沙上。清潔工人定期清理,小路上一大堆黑色巨型垃圾袋,是現代生活方式的確鑿罪證。那時候,已開始連舊超市膠袋也不用,改用包裝袋來裝,如麵飽袋、米袋、薯片袋。然後發覺,即使已儘量抵制過度包裝的貨品,家中儲存的包裝袋數目,還是不斷累積。

 

眼不見為乾淨

香港很乾淨。在公屋也好,私人住宅也好,大堂走廊和附近的公眾空間也極少垃圾。問題是,我們每天製造那麼多垃圾,都消失掉嗎?當然沒有,香港的乾淨,正確來說是「眼不見為乾淨」,換個方式說,是讓垃圾消失在我們的可見範圍外。把垃圾丟到垃圾房,關上門,我們的理想家居就再沒有垃圾。彷彿,垃圾房那個黑洞,真的消化了一切垃圾。

 

好了,警號敲起,幾年後堆填區將被填滿。看看我們偉大的政府提出什麼方案:青洲英泥焚化爐、徵收垃圾費。很典型的香港,用錢搞定,用科技去搞定(如果我們笨得相信環保署署長的話)。問題根源在哪?是過度消費,是沒有好好分類。

 

我悲觀到極點。香港人那麼崇尚效率,要他她們花時間去將垃圾分類?別開玩笑了,那簡直是跟「香港核心價值」過不去。放眼超市,有幾多人自備購物袋?政府敢不敢學台北市,強制禁止食肆用發泡膠,禁止超市便利店派膠袋?我彷彿可以預視到,那千篇一律,放諸任何議題皆準的藉口:「香港的經濟正穩定地恢復過來,X和Y的建議,恐怕會增加業界成本或影響生意,危及到經濟恢復,最終受害的會是香港的普羅市民。」

 

在跳進「不可回收」類之前,我記得要揭曉答案。「cyu1 jyu4」是廚餘,廚房的食物殘渣。若你有很多朋友都答錯,不要意外。語言,反映了生活,因為我們一直都沒有廚餘可回收的概念,所以我們日常也沒用到這詞語。今年4月1日起,台北市實施強制回收廚餘措施,即使你財大氣粗,有錢買環保局指定垃圾袋,也不可以將廚餘放到裡面去。即是說,台北市市民一定要將廚餘另行盛載,丟到垃圾車的指定回收桶內。你覺得,在香港有可能實行這樣的措施嗎?

 
捧著盛載廚餘的膠盒子,我走到垃圾車前,打開蓋,陣陣酸臭味湧出。不錯很臭,但感覺良好。畢竟,垃圾房的洞口並非黑洞,是我們近視,才看不見終點所在。

2006年01月17日

SUICIDE: A Civil Right

分類: 事件

 

SUICIDE: A Civil Right

by Lawrence Stevens, J.D.

Thinking about suicide is commonplace.  In his book
Suicide, published in 1988, Earl A. Grollman says
“Almost everybody at one time or another contemplates
suicide” (Second Edition, Beacon Press, p. 2).  In his
book Suicide: The Forever Decision, published in 1987,
psychologist Paul G. Quinnett, Ph.D., says “Research has
shown that a substantial majority of people have considered
suicide at one time in their lives, and I mean considered it
seriously” (Continuum, p. 12).  Nevertheless, thinking
about suicide is generally speaking frowned upon and by itself
is enough to result in involuntary “hospitalization”
and so-called treatment in a psychiatric “hospital”,
particularly if the person in question thinks about suicide
seriously and refuses (so-called) outpatient psychotherapy to
get this thinking changed.  The fact that people are
incarcerated in America for thinking and talking about suicide
implies that despite what the U.S. Constitution says about free
speech, and despite claims Americans often make about America
being a free country, many if not most Americans do not
really believe in freedom of thought and speech - in
addition to rejecting an individual’s right to commit
suicide.

 

                In
contrast, the assertion that people have a right to not only
think about but to commit suicide has been made by many people
who believe in individual freedom.  In his book Suicide
in America
, published in 1982, psychiatrist Herbert Hendin,
M.D., says: “Partly as a response to the failure of suicide
prevention, partly in reaction to commitment abuses, and perhaps
mainly in the spirit of accepting anything that does not
physically harm anyone else, we see suicide increasingly
advocated as a fundamental human right.  Many such
advocates deplore all attempts to prevent suicide as an
interference with that right.  It is a position succinctly
expressed by Nietzsche when he wrote, `There is a certain right
by which we may deprive a man of life, but none by which we may
deprive him of death.’  Taken from its social and
psychological context, suicide is regarded by some purely as an
issue of personal freedom”  (W. W. Norton & Co.,
p. 209).  In his book The Death of Psychiatry,
published in 1974, psychiatrist E. Fuller Torrey, M.D., said
this: “It should not be possible to confine people against
their wills in mental `hospitals.’ …  This implies that
people
have the right to kill themselves if they wish.  I believe
this is so” (Chilton Book Co., p. 180).  In 1968 in his
book Why Suicide?, Dr. Eustace Chesser, a psychologist,
asserted: “The right to choose one’s time and manner of
death seems to me unassailable.  …  In my opinion
the right to
die is the last and greatest human freedom” (Arrow Books,
London, pp. 123 & 125)
.  In On Suicide,
published in 1851, Arthur Schopenhauer said: “There is
nothing in the world to which every man has a more unassailable
title than to his own life and person” (H. L. Mencken, A
New Dictionary of Quotations,
Knopf, 1942, p. 1161).
 In a books-on-tape audiocassette version of their book
Life 101,  published in 1990, John-Roger and Peter
McWilliams tell us: “The consistency of descriptions from a
broad range of individuals points to the possibility that death
might not be so bad.  …  Suicide is always an
option.  It
is sometimes what makes life bearable.  Knowing we don’t
absolutely have to be here can make being here a little
easier.”
 Suzy Szasz, a victim of Systemic Lupus
Erythematosus, confirms this view in her book Living With It:
Why You Don’t Have To Be Healthy To Be Happy
after an acute
flare-up of her disease during which she contemplated suicide:
“As many an ancient philosopher has noted, I found the very
freedom to commit suicide liberating” (Prometheus Books,
1991, p. 226).  In ancient times (circa 485-425 B.C.),
Herodotus wrote: “When life is so burdensome death has
become for man a sought after refuge.”  In his book
The Untamed Tongue
, published in 1990, psychiatrist Thomas
Szasz asserts: “Suicide is a fundamental human right.
…society does not have the moral right to interfere, by force,
with a person’s decision to commit this act” (Open Court
Publishing Co., p. 250-251).

                To these
statements of support for the right to commit suicide, I will
add my own: In a truly free society, you own your life,
and your only obligation is to respect the rights of
others
.  I
believe everyone is entitled to be treated as the sole owner of
himself or herself and of his or her own life.  Accordingly,
I think a person who commits suicide is well within his or her
rights in doing so provided he or she does so privately and
without jeopardizing the physical safety of others.  Family
members, police officers, judges, and “therapists” who
interfere with a person’s decision to end his or her own life
are violating that person’s human rights. 
The often
expressed view that the possibility of suicide justifies
psychiatric treatment even if it must be imposed against the
will of the potentially suicidal person is wrong. 
Provided the
person in question is not violating the rights of others, that
person’s autonomy is of more value than enforcement of what
other people consider rational or of what other people think is
in a person’s best interests.  In a free society where
self-ownership is recognized, “dangerousness to
oneself” is irrelevant.  In the words of the title of
a
movie starring Richard Dreyfuss: “Whose Life Is It,
Anyway?”
 The greatest human right is the right of
self-ownership, one aspect of which is the right to life, but
another aspect of which is the right to end one’s own life. 

Whether or not a person supports the right to commit suicide is a
litmus test of whether or not that person truly believes in
self-ownership and the individual freedom that comes with it, the
individual freedom that many of us have been taught is the
reason-for-being of American democracy.

                One
reason some oppose the right to commit suicide is theological
belief that is sometimes expressed this way: “God gave you
life, and only God has the right to take life from you.”
 Using this reasoning to justify interfering with a
person’s right to commit suicide is imposing religious
beliefs
on people who may not share those beliefs.  In
America where we supposedly have freedom of (and from) religion,
this is wrong.

                Another
reason some people believe it is ethical to interfere with a
person’s right to think about or commit suicide is belief in
mental illness.  But a so-called diagnosis of “mental
illness” is a value judgment about a person’s
thinking or behavior, not a diagnosis of bona-fide brain
disease.  So-called mental illness does not deprive people
of
free will, but on the contrary is an expression of free
will (which reaps the disapproval of others).  Those who
say mental illness destroys “meaningful” free will or
who call the beliefs of others irrational (and therefore
necessarily caused by mental illness) are accepting the idea of
mental illness as brain disease without adequate evidence or are
refusing to accept the beliefs of others only because they differ
from their own.

               
Sometimes people oppose the right to commit suicide because of
belief in a sort of entirely non-biological mental illness.
 The error of this way of thinking is that without a
biological abnormality the only possible defining characteristic
of mental illness is disapproval of some aspect of a
person’s mentality or thinking.  But in a free society, it
shouldn’t matter if the thinking of a person meets with the
disapproval of others, provided the person’s actions do
not violate the rights of others.

               
Furthermore, there isn’t any good evidence that mental illness
by any generally accepted definition is usually involved in a
person’s decision to commit suicide.  In her book about
teenage suicide, Marion Crook, B.Sc.N., says “teens
considering suicide are not necessarily mentally disturbed.
 In fact, they are rarely mentally disturbed”
(Every Parent’s Guide To Understanding Teenagers &
Suicide
, Int’l Self-Counsel Press Ltd., Vancouver, 1988, p.
10).  Psychologist Paul G. Quinnett, Ph.D., makes this
observation in his book Suicide: The Forever Decision:
 ”As we have already discussed, however, you do not
have to be mentally ill to take your own life.  In fact,
most
people who do commit suicide are not legally `insane.’  So
it seems we have a very interesting problem.  To prevent
you from killing yourself, doctors like myself will stand up in
court and say something to the effect that, by reason of a
mental illness, you are a danger to yourself and need
treatment. 
But - and this is the weird part - you may, in a matter of a few
hours to a couple of days, get up one morning and say, `I’ve
decided not to kill myself, after all.’  And if you can
convince us you mean what you say, you can leave the hospital
and go home.  Question: Are you now completely cured of
your
so-called mental illness? Obviously not, since the chances are
you were never `mentally ill’ in the first place. 
…  As I
have said, I do not believe you have to be mentally ill to think
about suicide” (pp. 11-12).  Dr. Quinnett’s statement
is a clear admission that allegations of mental illness to
justify incarcerating suicidal people often are deliberate
dishonesty, even by the definition of mental illness that exists
in the minds of the professionals who make the allegations of
mental illness.  They make these allegations of mental
illness even though they know they are false because involuntary
psychiatric commitment laws require a finding of “mental
illness” before involuntary commitment may take place. 

Making deliberately false accusations of “mental
illness” under oath in a court of law to satisfy commitment
laws for the purpose of discouraging suicidal thinking or
preventing suicide is a way to avoid coming to terms with the
fact that incarcerating people only because they happen to think
their lives are not worth living or because they have attempted
to end their own lives is a form of authoritarianism and
despotism.  In the case of people who have only thought
about (not attempted) suicide, it is imprisonment for mere
thought-crime
similar to that illustrated by George Orwell in
his novel 1984.

                Even
people who oppose the right to commit suicide because of their
belief in mental illness sometimes can be made to understand the
erroneousness of their biological theorizing or their belief in
some kind of non-biological mental illness by asking them if
they would see any point in living if they were suffering from a
terminal disease involving excruciating, unrelievable physical
pain or were completely paralyzed from the neck down with no
chance of recovery.  Once people admit there are any
circumstances in which they would choose death, they often
see suicide is the result of a person’s personal judgment about
his or her circumstances in life rather than a biological
malfunction of the brain or some conception of non-biological
mental illness.

                Some may
feel it is right to use force to prevent suicide because of
their belief that the potentially suicidal person’s desire to
die is probably temporary and will probably go away or subside
if he or she is forced to live a short time longer until the
acute emotional reaction to a recent traumatic event has faded
with time.  Those advancing this argument sometimes
acknowledge a person does have a right to commit suicide if he
or she is not acting impulsively.  But most evidence
indicates few if any people who commit suicide do so
impulsively.  As Earl A. Grollman says in his book
Suicide
(in which he opposes the right to commit
suicide): “Suicide does not occur suddenly, impulsively,
unpredictably” (p. 63).  In his book Suicide: The
Forever Decision
, psychologist Paul G. Quinnett, Ph.D.,
says: “I have talked to hundreds of suicidal
people…  If I
can make another guess about what has been going on inside your
head and heart, it is that you have had long and difficult
discussions with yourself about whether to live or die”
(pp. 18-19).  Rather than being impulsive, suicide is
something people do after long contemplation as part of their
efforts to deal with what they consider intolerable life
circumstances.

                The
usual justification for involuntary incarceration and so-called
treatment of those considering or attempting suicide is alleged
dangerousness to oneself.  But even people who don’t agree
with the principle of self-ownership should ask themselves:
dangerousness to oneself in the eyes of whom?  To an
onlooker, suicide may seem to always be harmful to the person
ending his or her life.  But that’s not how the person
committing suicide sees the situation.  People commit
suicide because they decide continued living in their particular
circumstances is a greater harm to themselves than death.
 This is made abundantly clear by Francis Lear,
editor-in-chief if Lear’s magazine, in her
autobiographical book, The Second Seduction:
“I ALWAYS HAVE an `exitline.’  A stash
of lithium.  A building tall enough to kill, not maim, for
godsake, not maim.  One goes out in suicide, one simply
goes out, gets out, wriggles, bolts, and does not some back
merely smashed up or, as the first priority, left with the
ability to feel.  One does not go out in a half-assed
manner.  Suicide has many consequences.  It will hurt
people who love you, it can splatter the sidewalks; but its
purpose, the reason for its magnetism, is that it is the only
guaranteed, surefire way to end, blitz, detonate a critical mass
of suffering.  Suicide, reduced to its pure essence, is a
delivery system that moves us from pain to the absence of pain.
 If the gods contrive against us and the planets are in
disarray, if the earth cracks open beneath us, we must always
have a way out” (Harper-Perennial, 1992, p. 26).  As
Dr. Eustace Chesser said, “Suicide is a deliberate refusal
to accept the only conditions on which it is possible to go on
living” (Why Suicide?, op. cit., p. 122).

                A
person’s reasons for choosing death may or may not make sense to
other people.  In a free society, however, that doesn’t or
at least shouldn’t matter.  It is a very personal and
subjective determination, so how can anyone else reasonably
claim to know that a suicidal person is making the
“wrong” decision in terms of “dangerousness to
himself” or herself as experienced by that person?

As William Glasser, a psychiatrist, says in his book Positive
Addictio
n: “we should keep in mind that we can never
feel another person’s pain” (Harper & Row, 1976, p. 8)
.
 In general, I agree with psychiatrist Mark S. Gold’s
assertion that “suicide is a permanent solution to a
temporary problem” (The Good News About Depression,
Bantam Books, 1986, p. 290).
  However, the determination of
whether it is best to suffer through a miserable present in the
hope of getting to a possibly better future is a value judgment.
 A person could legitimately decide a hopefully better
future does not justify choosing to experience an unbearable
present. 
No one should claim the right override, by force,
a person’s value judgements and decisions about something as
personal as this.

                Another
factor to consider is that mental health professionals, contrary
to their claim that they are preventing suicide, more often are
unwittingly promoting eventual suicide.  In an
article in the May-June 1974 New York University Law Review
titled “Involuntary Psychiatric Commitments to Prevent
Suicide”, New York University sociology professor David F.
Greenberg, Ph.D., says studies on psychiatric suicide prevention
“have been either inconsistent or negative” and
suggest “that institutionalization may not prevent suicide,
but, in fact, may result in more suicides” (p. 256,
emphasis in original).  Considering the harmfulness of
today’s biological “treatments” in psychiatry, the
dreariness and sometimes cruelty of institutional life, and the
effects of psychiatric stigma, such as lowered self-esteem and
discrimination in education and employment, increased rates of
suicide among suicidal people who get psychiatric
“treatment” compared with a similar population of
suicidal people who do not get “treatment” should be
expected.  The value of recognizing the right to commit
suicide is not only respecting individual freedom but preventing
the harm and cruelty that often go on in the name of suicide
prevention.

                While
courts have gone both ways in right-to-die cases, judicial
decisions defending the right to die are not unusual and are
gaining favor.  In his book Death With Dignity,
published in 1989, attorney Robert L. Risley points out that in
general “court cases clearly established the right to
bodily integrity, confirming that the basic right of
self-determination includes the right to die, and that it
overrides the state’s duty to preserve life” (Hemlock
Society, Eugene, Oregon, 1989, p. viii).

                The U.S.
Supreme Court addressed the question of whether the U.S.
Constitution protects the right to die in 1990 in the case of
Cruzan v. Missouri, 497 U.S. 261.  In the words of Time
magazine, in this case the U.S. Supreme Court “declared
for the first time that there is indeed a right to die”
(July 9, 1990, p. 59).  Of the nine justices, all except
Justice Scalia acknowledged the right to die is a federal
constitutional right.  In his concurring opinion, Justice
Scalia argued vigorously against the reasoning of the majority
and dissenting opinions, both of which acknowledged the right of
self-determination is a constitutional right and that it includes
the right to die.  Justice Scalia opposed the view of the
other
eight justices, arguing vigorously against what he called the
right to commit suicide.  But in this respect he stood alone
on the Court.

                Since
the rationale of these cases is that people have a right of
self-determination that includes the right to die, they support
my assertion that suicide is a civil right even though, at
present, the right to die has been upheld only in cases involving
physically ill or disabled people who are conscious enough to
express their desire to die or who when healthy enough to express
an opinion indicated death is what he or she would want in the
circumstances.  In fact, this justification is probably in
many cases a mere excuse or rationalization to cover up the real
reason.  If the sole reason for permitting death was the
desire
of the ill or disabled person, involuntary psychiatric
commitment of suicidal people would not take place.  A
bona-fide but unacknowledged reason ill or disabled people are
allowed to deliberately end their lives is they have become a
burden to other people.  In other words, just as
able-bodied suicidal people are incarcerated for their own
supposed benefit (to prevent them from committing suicide) when
the real reason is selfish concerns of others, people with
severe, permanent disability or incurable disease are allowed to
die for their own supposed benefit when a real but
unacknowledged purpose is to relieve others
(”society”) of the burden of caring for them. 
However,
the reasoning of judicial opinions upholding the right to die
emphasize personal autonomy and self-determination as the basis
for the decision and therefore support my opinion that each
person is the sole owner of himself or herself, of his or her
own body, and of his or her own life.  They support my
opinion that the right to commit suicide is a civil right.

                If you
are a legislator who supports the right of self-ownership you
should introduce
legislation to delete references to
“dangerousness to oneself” in your state’s psychiatric
commitment laws.  If you are a judge deciding questions of
constitutional law, you should strike down as unconstitutional
laws that imprison (”hospitalize”) people only for
supposed dangerousness or harm to oneself.  Whoever you
are, you
should respect the autonomy of all of your fellow men and women
whose conduct does not unlawfully harm others.


THE AUTHOR, Lawrence Stevens, is a lawyer whose practice has
included representing psychiatric “patients”.  His
pamphlets are not copyrighted.  You are free to make
copies for distribution to those you think will benefit.

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